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"We Don't Want Blood-stained
Coal"
[ May 30, 2003 ]
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The murder and mayhem in
Chinese coal mines continues unabated. Reports from the
mainland media, the International Federation of Chemical,
Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM) and China
Labour Bulletin show that there were over 100 deaths in the
third week of May alone. The true figure for annual fatalities
is well over the official record of 10,000 and these dreadful
figures show no signs of abating. The problem is so grave that
the Chinese media regularly condemns the situation with
headlines such as the one above. No doubt the recent rise in
the price of coal is directly connected to the renewed
onslaught of accidents and fatalities, but the problems facing
Chinese miners go much deeper.
The new Chinese leadership has a stark choice before it.
Either it can take the necessary decisions that can start to
bring the situation under control, or it can continue with the
policy of top-down bureaucratic measures and decrees issued
from the capital that have failed Chinese coal miners and by
implication, miners everywhere.
This is not the time to cast doubts on the
sincerity of government leaders and their stated aim to raise
safety in coal mines up to an acceptable level. This is the
time for trade unions everywhere to use all means at their
disposal to urge the Chinese government to take the plunge and
allow Chinese workers control over hazardous working
conditions via directly-elected occupational safety and health
committees. As the endless harrowing reports on coal mining
accidents in both the Chinese and international media
demonstrate, everything else has been tried: There is no
longer any excuse for delay.
The only people who are directly profiting from
the current situation are local mine bosses and corrupt local
officials. The behaviour of these people is already illegal in
China. There are laws in place that restrict government
officials from personally profiting from mining activities.
There is a Work Safety Law that makes it illegal for coal
operators to dig coal without satisfying thorough and clearly
stated safety procedures. There is a coal industry health and
safety law that has been in operation for more than a decade.
If these laws and other related regulations were even halfway
implemented, there would be a dramatic improvement within a
year.
The
HKCTU does not wish to understate the complexities of safety
issues in the mining industry. Criminal activity, corruption
and greed are not the only factors to be considered in China.
For example "local protectionism" is rife in China. This
refers to local authorities turning a blind eye to policies
that they perceive as unsuitable to the local conditions.
Cash-strapped township and county governments are sometimes
totally dependent on taxes from coal mining to pay the wages
of civil servants, teachers and emergency services. Farmers
facing competition from cheaper imported crops are being
forced off the land in increasing numbers, sometimes into
mining jobs where safety is non-existent. Privatisation and
sub-contracting of individual shafts from state-owned mines to
private operators is a common practice that only invites
disaster. Some state-owned mines are even laying off skilled
miners in favour of farmers on a fraction of the wages.
Investment in safety equipment is often sidelined, even in
so-called "key mines". The recent rise in the price of coal
has also been a factor as illegal mines operating in remote
areas make their contribution to the ongoing tragedy.
Is the figures show, the traditional responses
are failing. President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have
already demonstrated a capacity to make unprecedented
decisions, as the very public sackings of the Minister for
Health and Beijing's mayor in the middle of the SARS crisis
have demonstrated. In terms of numbers and fatalities, the
crisis in China's coal industry is graver than SARS. We need
more safety inspectors and the speedy establishment of a
coal-industry inspectorate that is independent and
centrally-funded. But unlike SARS, there is no need to draft
in top-salary experts, scientists or researchers to find a
vaccine. The 'vaccine' has been around for a long time.
Moreover, it is sustainable and inexpensive.
And it's not rocket-science. Directly-elected
worker occupational safety and health committees are the only
way to begin to seriously address the crisis in the mines. The
committees need not represent a political challenge to the
state-run official trade union, and in any case many mines do
not have a union at all. The committees we are proposing are
provided for in China's revised Trade Union. Moreover, the
recently introduced Work Safety Law could give the committees
real clout as it provides workers with the right to refuse to
work in a life-threatening environment and outlaws employers
taking revenge. As a vocal member of the ILO as well as ruling
over the country with the largest coal industry in the world,
the Chinese government has a direct responsibility to
demonstrate that coal-mining in a developing country can be
safe and efficient.
The government is fond of announcing it is
"wholeheartedly relying on the working class" for the success
of its reform policies. It is time to put this into practice.
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