International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU)
Committee on Human and Trade Union Rights China Working
Party
1st Meeting, Hong Kong, 14-15 March 2002
Welcome address
by
Lee Cheuk Yan
General Secretary
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU)
Sisters
and Brothers,
On behalf of the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade
Unions (HKCTU) and our 58 affiliates, representing
151,600 members, we would like to welcome you to Hong
Kong, China.
It is a challenging time to visit Hong Kong. Only
a fortnight ago the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong
SAR was re-appointed for a second 5-year term by an
elite, non-elected 800-member electoral committee.
This is despite the widespread popular demand for
universal suffrage. At the same time the Government
is using the HK$67 billion (US$8.6 billion) budget
deficit (claiming it is a "structural" fiscal
crisis) to justify a renewed attack on the public
sector, while refusing to extend any form of social
protection to working people. Meanwhile, the official
unemployment rate has reached 6.7% - its highest point
in three decades.
So these are indeed challenging times.
We are particularly pleased to welcome you here today
because it is the 1st meeting of the China Working
Party, and it is very appropriate that such a meeting
be held in Hong Kong. It is an important expression
of symbolic solidarity to workers in mainland China,
while lending recognition to the importance of the
struggle for worker and trade union rights in Hong
Kong as part of the larger struggle in China. As such,
we are faced with an important opportunity to turn
this solidarity into something more tangible, something
concrete.
Before reflecting on the agenda of the 1st China Working
Party meeting, I would first like to comment on the
relationship between the pro-democracy movement in
Hong Kong (of which the independent trade union movement
is an integral part) and the struggle for democracy
in mainland China.
Often criticism of the human and trade union rights
situation in China is interpreted as "China bashing."
Even criticism of overseas trade union cooperation
with the ACFTU is seen as an expression of "anti-China"
sentiment or "China bashing." I would like
to correct this misperception. The struggle for democracy
in China is not a struggle against China. The democracy
movement in Hong Kong (to which HKCTU is deeply tied),
has always identified itself as a patriotic democratic
movement. (In Chinese we call this oi kwok, which
has a broader, more progressive meaning.) This patriotism
means we are deeply committed, from the heart, to
the well-being of China as a nation and its people.
But neither is this "patriotism" blind.
It is very important to differentiate between those
who support the people of China, and those who support
the Government. These are two very, very different
things.
Let
us be clear, then. To demand democracy in China is
not to be anti-China, but to oppose the authoritarian
regime. As such this is an expression of real patriotism
- of our deep commitment - to the plight of the working
people of China.
For us, as people committed to democracy for China,
we believe that freedom of association, freedom of
expression and all fundamental human and trade union
rights are not merely principles, but are essential
tools with which the people of China will face the
tremendous social, economic and political challenges
of this day.
There is no doubt that under the impact of China's
entry into the WTO, with rapidly rising unemployment
and massive rural displacement, there will be increased
rural and industrial protest. However, we must approach
issues of social unrest or concerns for "social
stability" with caution. The Chinese Communist
Party and its organs of control have repeatedly warned
of the threat to social stability. The call to preserve
"social stability" and contain "social
unrest" will be the main message of the Chinese
government throughout this year, and in following
years. While the growth of social unrest is very real,
we should focus on the factors underlying social unrest,
and express support for the struggle of working people
to overcome these problems. To do so requires rights.
That is, and should always be, our main focus. Concern
for "social stability" leads too easily
to repression of the right to protest, instead of
resolving the causes of people's anger and frustration.
It is precisely because of these difficult challenges
that we welcome the agenda of 1st China Working Party
meeting - an agenda which encourages us to think through
some of the most important issues facing working people
in China today.
In doing so we look forward to a frank and open exchange.
While we may have different interpretations, different
views, and varying approaches, I believe we share
a common agenda - to support the protection and advancement
of human and trade union rights in China.
We hope that through a frank and honest discussion
of these different views and approaches, including
different short- and medium-term tactics, we may work
together to build and consolidate a common, long-term
strategy most appropriate for pursuing these goals.
As we look ahead to the future and think through a
long-term strategy that builds on our common agenda,
we must also look to the past. This year marks the
13th anniversary of the bloody repression of the workers'
and students' pro-democracy movement in Tiananmen
Square on June 4, 1989. But it is not only the repression
we will commemorate. The aspirations and demands of
the independent trade unions formed in the Spring
of 1989 will be remembered and honoured. To encourage
this we have launched a campaign called Workers Remember!
The purpose of remembering is not only to remind ourselves
of the sacrifices made by workers in June 1989. We
are also reminded of how relevant their demands and
aspirations are today. Even as we speak some 50,000
workers from the Daqing Oilfield in the northeastern
province of Heilongjiang have been staging mass street
demonstrations since March 1. Only last week they
declared the founding of an independent trade union.
Such events pose important questions for us - how
we can best extend our solidarity, what is our role,
will we face our responsibility?
In attempting to define this role and fulfill our
historical responsibility we are faced an important
task over the next two days, and in the future work
of the China Working Party.
Thank
you.
Next>
Union
Action, March 2002: "Whose
Voices? While the Beijing elite and HK billionaires
re-appoint Tung Chee Hwa, another round of attacks on
the public sector begins"